Category Archives: David Miliband

Typical

Typical; you wait years for a Miliband leadership challenge and then two turn up at the same time.

Beware banana skins

After years of having their logo mocked as “the dead parrot”, I’m not sure why the LibDems thought it a good idea to adopt a banana as their general election emblem.

More appropriate for David Miliband’s Labour leadership campaign, one would think.

Miliband keeps his head down

David Miliband is under fire from all quarters of the Labour party over his conduct during and after the Hoon-Hewitt attempted coup.  “Serial bottler” is one of the milder insults hurled at him.

Certainly, Miliband kept well away from the spotlight until it became evident that the plot had probably failed and his lukewarm statements of support thereafter conspicuously failed to affirm any belief on his part that Gordon Brown is the right person to lead the party.

Miliband’s best opportunity to overthrow Brown was in the feverish summer of 2008 and there is no doubt that he funked it then.  This close to a general election, however, he is probably right to keep his head, so far as possible, below the parapet.  If he had joined the coup and succeeded Brown a matter of weeks before the poll, he would have reaped the wrath of the party if Labour lost.

As things stand, Miliband’s timidity will probably be forgotten in the post-election turmoil.  He still has everything to play for and is wise to keep his powder dry.

Hoon and Hewitt’s helping hand

The first PMQs of the New Year were a more than averagely raucous affair.  The Prime Minister was on slightly better form than usual, although not so outstandingly sparkling as to merit the Labour cheers and cries of “More!” that greeted his characteristically clunky joke:

The Prime Minister: The right hon. Gentleman talks about love and marriage, when he is the person who cannot give a straight answer on the married couples allowance: he cannot say, “I do,” or “I don’t,” when it comes to the married couples allowance.

Certainly, by Gordon’s standards it was good, but Dorothy Parker it wasn’t.  Nevertheless, his backbenchers rolled around, seemingly helpless with laughter.  Labour-watchers from the Tory side of the chamber, however, could see that the hilarity was fairly obviously orchestrated by the whips, who were dotted strategically around the Government benches.  Indeed, the loudest cheers and most vigorous order paper-waving were concentrated around the PM’s enforcer-in-chief, Chris Evans lookalike Ian Austin, who sat smirking on the extreme right of the back benches.

Something was up, and before too long we knew what: the vibrating BlackBerries informed us that “Geoff Hoon and Patricia Hewitt to make statement about Gordon Brown’s leadership after PMQs”.

It turned out that Hewitt and Hoon had written to the entire Parliamentary Labour party noting that it was “deeply divided over the question of the leadership” and urging a secret ballot on whether to hold a leadership contest.  The noise from the Labour benches was a whips’ exercise designed to bolster the PM at what must have been a more than anxious moment.

At the time of writing, all members of the cabinet appear to have come out in support of Brown, though David Miliband and Harriet Harman were somewhat tardy in pledging their fealty.  The repercussions of Hoon and Hewitt’s helpful intervention, however, will rumble on for some while yet; they have confirmed openly that the Labour party is divided and politicians know that people tend not to vote for divided parties.  That will unsettle Labour even more.

At the height of the ersatz Labour merriment, the Speaker felt obliged to rise to his feet and remonstrate that “we are not on the hustings now”.

Actually, he was quite wrong.  At least, so far as the Parliamentary Labour party was concerned.

Memo to Gordon: you really need Mandy

This morning’s Telegraph report that a rift has developed between the Prime Minister and Peter Mandelson comes as little surprise.  It has been very obvious for some weeks that Mandelson deeply disapproves of the strategy of entrenchment that the Prime Minister, together with the likes of Ed Balls, Alan Johnson and Peter Hain have decided to pursue, and is showing his displeasure through his absence.

Indeed, little has been seen of Mandelson – who was virtually omnipresent in the media in the first half of this year – since the Labour party conference in September.  It was then that he urged delegates that the only way for the party to stand a chance of winning the general election was by welcoming and embracing change:

This will be a “change” election.  Either we offer it, or the British public will turn to others who say that they do.

Of course, we must celebrate our record and be proud of defending it.  We did fix the roof while the sun was shining…

But let us remember that you win elections on the future, not the past.

No doubt to Mandelson’s dismay, however, Brown has apparently decided that the future is the past.  The PM and his allies have pursued an extraordinarily crude, class-based campaign that appears rooted in the mid-1970s.  Peter Hain’s speech to the Welsh Grand Committee last week was a prime example of this unsubtle approach, which must be utter anathema to the urbane, calculating Mandelson.

The Telegraph tells us that Mandelson is now rarely seen in the No. 10 war room, having seemingly become “disengaged”.

If that is indeed the case, it can only be to the Prime Minister’s detriment.  He should remember that it was Mandelson’s recall to the colours that saved his bacon after his dreadful summer of 2008, when it was only David Miliband’s cold feet that prevented his being ousted.

This close to a general election, Brown needs Mandelson badly.  He should make his peace with the First Secretary without delay.

Hot gossip from Brussels

Early evening return from Brussels, where I have spent a couple of days visiting various European institutions, including the Parliament, the Commission, UKRep (the UK permanent representation to the EU) and the Welsh Assembly Government EU Office.

Brussels is a tremendously gossipy place at the best of times (even more so than Westminster), but at the moment is full of fevered speculation as to the outcome of the heads of government summit on Thursday, when the president of the European Council and the EU High Representative will be selected.

The generally accepted view is that Tony Blair is out of the running for president and that the Belgian Prime Minister, Herman Van Rompuy, is the hot favourite. 

Surprisingly enough, however, and more interestingly, there is a considerable body of opinion that David Miliband is still very much in the running for the possibly more powerful position of High Representative, notwithstanding the protestations of both the Foreign Secretary and his brother that he has ruled himself out.  Given that Van Rompuy is a centre right politician from a small country, the theory is that the High Rep position must go to a centre left candidate from a big country and that Miliband is the most obvious candidate. 

If that happens, it will be fascinating to see the response from within the Labour party.

The Eurostar, by the way, was spectacularly good.  It pulled out of Brussels Midi station at 4.00 pm and just over two hours later arrived at St Pancras.  Beats air travel any time.

Exile for Miliband?

MilibandThe Sunday Times reports that, with Tony Blair’s presidential prospects apparently waning, Gordon Brown is discreetly lobbying for David Miliband to become the first EU high representative for foreign affairs, believing him to be “ideally qualified” for the role. 

Miliband, it would appear, is also keen to have the job, if his noticeably increased, profile-raising, activity over the past few days is anything to go by.

For the Prime Minister, the exile of Miliband to Europe would be a useful means of clearing the way for Ed Balls to become Labour leader after his own departure. 

It would also, in the PM’s eyes, be just deserts for Miliband’s near-treachery in the politically febrile summer of 2008.  Brown will certainly recall the experience of Roy Jenkins, who became president of the European Commission only to find that he had travelled to Brussels on a one-way ticket. 

As Jim Hacker put it in a 1982 episode of Yes Minister:

“You’re reduced to starting your own party if you ever want to come back.”

MacAskill’s comment awaited

There was a rash of statements to the House this afternoon, including one by the Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, on the al-Megrahi affair, which still leaves an unpleasant taste in the mouth and has done immense damage to Britain’s international standing.

William Hague, speaking for the opposition, made a hugely pertinent comment on the actions of the Scottish Executive in releasing al-Megrahi:

One of the most bizarre aspects of the decision to release al-Megrahi was the fact that the Scottish Executive, having concluded that they could not transfer him under the prisoner transfer agreement because it would breach assurances given to the United States, then concluded that it was appropriate to release him altogether. Would it not have been more sensible to conclude that if it was inappropriate to return him to Libya as a prisoner, it was even more inappropriate to release him as a free man?

It will be interesting to hear the Scottish justice minister’s response.

Brown will have to break his silence

The disclosed correspondence between Whitehall and the Scottish Executive, as anticipated, fails to clarify the stance adopted by the British Government in its negotiations with the Libyan authorities.

The Scottish documents relate that the Libyan minister for Europe, Abdulati Alobidi, said that he had been informed by the Foreign Office minister, Bill Rammell, that neither Gordon Brown nor David Miliband wanted al-Megrahi to die in prison.  That may be true; but we will not know until Bill Rammell makes a statement on the affair, or, even better, Gordon Brown and David Miliband do.

More interesting is Jack Straw’s letter to the Scottish justice minister, Kenny MacAskill, in which he writes:

 “The wider negotiations with the Libyans are reaching a critical stage and in view of the overwhelming interests for the United Kingdom I have agreed that in this instance the PTA [prisoner transfer agreement] should be in the standard form and not mention any individual.”

The question must therefore be: what where the overwhelming UK interests that dictated, at that “critical stage”, that what was previously considered a matter of the highest principle (i.e. the non-inclusion of al-Megrahi in the terms of the PTA) should be abandoned?

We will never know, unless  and until  Mr Brown and Mr Straw break their silence and make a statement supported by the relevant documents.

This, of course, will have to happen.  Everyone knows that.  The sooner it does, the better for all concerned, including Messrs Brown and Straw.

Miliband and Gaddafi can’t both be telling the truth

Col Gaddafi has announced that Gordon Brown “encouraged” the Scottish Executive to take the “courageous” decision to release Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi; indeed, he has thanked him for doing so. 

If this is indeed so, it cannot also be the case that the Government regarded the decision as one for the Scottish Executive alone, as contended by David Miliband.  Put simply, either Miliband or Gaddafi is not telling the truth.

Brown must surely now at last realise just how much hot water he has landed himself in as a result of his stubborn and stupid refusal to comment on the case.

Miliband’s silence dishonours Britain

MilibandThe curious, blustering performance by David Miliband on yesterday’s Today programme – in which he referred to the return to Libya of Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi as “deeply distressing” but refused to criticise, or even comment on, the decision of the Scottish Executive to release the terrorist – has served only to highlight the mess that Labour has made of devolution in Scotland.

The former Labour Scottish Office minister, Brian Wilson, delivers a savage critique of Labour’s Scottish devolutionary settlement in today’s Telegraph.  Pointing out that the al-Megrahi affair has provided the SNP with a rare and golden opportunity to grandstand on the world stage, Wilson observes:

While the Nationalists revelled in their day in the spotlight, it should also have occurred to the architects of devolution that they have a great deal to answer for when the British Government is effectively silenced over an issue that is crucial to its standing in the world and any claim to moral leadership on issues of terrorism.

It is true that much of the Scottish role in this affair derives from the legal system, which long pre-dates political devolution. In the past, however, the Scottish law officers and the Secretary of State within the Cabinet would have worked with Whitehall to achieve an agreed line behind which the whole British government would have stood. Instead, we are in the extraordinary position of not knowing what the British Government thinks because it is petrified into silence by the sanctity of the devolution settlement.

Devolution in the wrong hands was always going to be an instrument for dividing the United Kingdom rather than maintaining it. There will not be many more cases or issues with implications on the scale of the Megrahi decision. But spectacular notice has been served of what is going on in Scotland every day of the week, with the Nationalist minority administration using every lever at its disposal to promote separateness and fray the bonds of unity and common interest.

Wilson’s analysis is correct, but only up to a point.  The devolution settlement is not of such sanctity that it should preclude Mr Miliband from setting out the British Government’s position on an issue of such importance.

The fact is that the British national interest has been deeply damaged by the al-Megrahi episode.  The people of the United States, our closest ally, are rightly appalled at the early release of a mass murderer on the ostensible ground of compassion, a commodity he so self-evidently withheld from his 270 victims.  They are also bemused that this should happen without a squeak of comment, much less disapproval, from the British Government.  So, come to that, are many of the people of Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom.

Given that the promotion of the British national interest overseas is the direct responsibility of Mr Miliband, his protestation that the release of al-Megrahi is purely “a matter for the Scottish government” is manifestly wrong. 

It is also a matter of huge importance for the British Foreign Secretary and the British Prime Minister.  They should, therefore, speak out on the issue without further delay. 

And they should understand that their continuing, craven silence will do nothing but bring dishonour on our country.

How can Miliband justify terrorism?

milibandThe Mail on Sunday has picked up on David Miliband’s assertion in Radio 4’s Great Lives last week that there are circumstances in which terrorism is both justifiable and effective.  I listened to the broadcast, on the life of the South African Marxist and anti-apartheid activist, Joe Slovo, and was also astonished when I heard Miliband’s remark.

It is part of Miliband’s function as Foreign Secretary to formulate and pursue a robust, uncompromising policy towards the significant number of rogue states who regard the sponsorship of terrorist activity as a legitimate and justifiable means of advancing their own national interests and objectives. 

It is hard to see how he can credibly do so if he, too, also considers terrorism to be justifiable.

Enter Miliband minor

Alan Johnson appears to be staking his claim this morning as the front-runner in any race to replace Gordon Brown as Labour leader after the Euro elections. 

Cleverer than Hazel Blears (no “YouTube if you want to” sneers from him), Johnson is dressing up his pitch as a helpful call for the PM to finish the “constitutional renewal” exercise that briefly engaged the grasshopper-like attention of Tony Blair before he became bored with it.

Coincidentally perhaps, though probably not, Ed Miliband makes a similar call in today’s Guardian, urging the new Speaker to initiate a root-and-branch review of the way politics is done in this country.

Miliband minor played a very cautious game on the sidelines when his elder brother made his poorly conducted leadership bid last year.  David Miliband’s failure of nerve in 2008 lost him enormous support within the party; he is unlikely to have sufficient following to be able to mount another attempt now.

Ed, however, wisely stayed quiet in the brief, damp, cold summer of 2008.  His own time may soon be coming. 

Not an immediate leadership challenge – the moment is not right – but he is positioning himself as a strong and serious contender after the general election.

Last Questions

Harriet Harman deputised for Gordon Brown at PMQs today, in the absence of the Prime Minister in Iraq.

The last Questions of the year were a relatively muted affair, with the dark cloud of the economy weighing heavily over the House. Even William Hague, who stood in for David Cameron, seemed quieter than usual, but that may possibly have been because the Labour deputy leader was at rather less than top form, fluffing her answers and sometimes seeming to search for her words.

The one seasonal note of the session was struck by William, in a question about Government spending announcements:

Mr. Hague: Will the right hon. and learned Lady confirm that, of the £158 million announced today to help unemployed people, £58 million has been taken from another programme that is already supposed to help train people? The other £100 million is exactly what she announced two months ago, the last time that she and I did Prime Minister’s questions. That money has been announced before, which means that this is a reannouncement of a reannouncement—at Christmas time we are not meant to get only repeats, but that is all that we are getting from the Government today.

A small joke, but enough to cause David Miliband to crease his vaguely simian features into a grin and jovially dig his front bench neighbour, Paul Murphy, in the ribs.

Nice one, Alistair

The aftershocks of Alistair Darling’s Guardian interview continue to rumble. Now the reverberations are not just political, they’re financial, too, with the pound falling to its lowest level against the euro since that currency was launched and to its lowest against the US dollar for two years. The principal reason for sterling’s sharpening downward trajectory, it is generally agreed, is the gloomy prognosis uttered by the man who is supposed to be the guardian of the nation’s financial destiny. Nice one, Alistair.

Meanwhile, Ed Balls has warned David Miliband that a leadership challenge would be “crazy, destructive and divisive”.

It would certainly be destructive of Ed’s own ambitions to succeed to Alistair Darling’s job in the foreseeable future. Alan Milburn is apparently being lined up for that.