Category Archives: David Cameron

Cameron’s clarion call

The Conservative party conference was by a considerable measure the best I have attended.  I have blogged already about the excellence of Manchester as a venue, but excellent also was the party’s own organisation, design and choreography.  As Steve Richards puts it in this morning’s Independent:

Tonally their conference was pitch perfect, conveying a seriousness of purpose and without a hint of complacent triumphalism.

David Cameron’s speech was excellent: a clarion call not only to his party, but to his country, giving a vision of how life could be once the dead hand of Labour’s big state is finally wrenched away:

I won’t promise things I cannot deliver. But I can look you in the eye and tell you that in a Conservative Britain:

If you put in the effort to bring in a wage, you will be better off. If you save money your whole life, you’ll be rewarded. If you start your own business, we’ll be right behind you. If you want to raise a family, we’ll support you. If you’re frightened, we’ll protect you. If you risk your safety to stop a crime, we’ll stand by you. If you risk your life to fight for your country, we will honour you.

Ask me what a Conservative government stands for and the answer is this, we will reward those who take responsibility, and care for those who can’t.

Family, community, country: I, for one, can happily go into battle under that banner.

Tory truth or Labour la-la

The Telegraph this morning carries an intelligent article by Benedict Brogan on the issue of political honesty.  I strongly urge you to read it.

This week has been notable for a string of straight-talking speeches by a succession of shadow cabinet members, with George Osborne’s the most notable of all.  If there were any lingering doubts abroad before the week started that the Tories were going to take tough choices that would affect each and every one of us, they must surely have been dispelled by now.

Anyone who cares about the integrity of our political process, whether or not intending to vote Conservative, would, I hope, approve of this.  The present economic outlook is so appallingly bleak that whoever wins in May next year will have to make the toughest taxing and spending decisions for a generation.

There is no doubt that the Conservative approach of levelling with the electorate is not without its risks.  Nobody likes to be told that the next few years will be less comfortable than what we have grown used to.  That is probably why Labour, at its conference last week, funked the issue; and why Gordon Brown, even after abandoning his “Tory cuts v Labour investment” mantra, still felt constrained to reel off a string of uncosted spending pledges that he must surely know can never be fulfilled.

Nevertheless, Cameron and Osborne are undoubtedly right to tell the British people that it’s going to be tougher going for the next few years. 

And, in truth, they are saying nothing that that the British people don’t know already; but they are paying them the respect of treating them as adults.

The interesting, and crucial, question is whether, next May, the electorate will decide it prefers Tory straightforwardness to Labour la-la.  I think it’s grown-up enough to opt for honesty.

Cameron’s cash

The more one thinks about it, the sillier Andrew Marr’s question to David Cameron about his personal wealth seems.

Everyone knows that Cameron is worth a bob or two; so, for that matter, are Gordon Brown and Nick Clegg.  That Cameron is worth more than the other two may or may not be the case and in reality is irrelevant; all three are significantly wealthier than most of those who are being asked to vote for them next year.

The question was obviously included in Marr’s rather frenetic interview to head off Labour accusations of BBC bias after Marr asked Gordon Brown about his alleged pill-popping last week.  Marr shouldn’t have asked that question, either.

The truth is that none of this froth cuts much ice with the electorate.  People will vote for the party and the leader they consider will be best for them, their families and their country.  That means talking about policy. Nothing else matters very much.

Brown must show he’s not frit

The draft of yesterday’s speech by Gordon Brown that was provided to the press made it clear that that the Prime Minister would be announcing his acceptance of Sky TV’s invitation to an election debate among the leaders of the three principal parties.

However, the speech when delivered made no mention of it.

Questioned on the Today programme about the issue, the Prime Minister replied:

There is a time for discussing debates, but we are not in an election yet…

“I’ve decided in my own mind, but…  I’m not going into that today because basically there is a time for deciding these things and the time for me at the moment, where I’ve got to spend my time, is going round the country, as I have been doing over the last few months, to explain the policies that we are engaged in.”

I have a strong suspicion that No 10 will try to enter into a negotiating process with Sky in an attempt to frame the debate within the Prime Minister’s own comfort zone.  I am also sure that, quite properly, Sky will refuse to engage in such negotiations.

Both David Cameron and Nick Clegg accepted the invitation immediately and without reservation.  They are content to let the broadcasters determine the format of the debate and they are quite right to do so.

The debate will be an important element of the next election campaign.  It will, I hope, revive interest in the political process, which has remained dormant for so long under Labour.  It is an innovation that is long overdue.

Gordon Brown must understand that the longer he vacillates, the more it will appear that he is afraid of the contest.  I am sure, however, that that is not the case and that he is, in fact,  entirely up for it; let him show that now.

What would you call Gordon Brown?

Gordon BrownWeek after week at PMQs this summer, Gordon Brown chose as his line of attack against the Tories the accusation that David Cameron intended to cut public spending by ten per cent.  Indeed, he wittily dubbed Cameron “Mr Ten Per Cent”, admittedly not to  huge levels of hilarity.  It’s the way he tells ‘em.

Today, at a press conference in London, Mr Cameron highlighted revelations contained in a leaked document which indicate that as long ago as last June, when Mr Brown was employing the witticism, he had received advice from Treasury officials that there would have to be a cut of 9.3 per cent in departmental budgets over the four years from 2010 if the Government’s own plan to halve the buget deficit were to be realised.

In the circumstances, the following exchange at PMQs on 1 July may require some explanation from the Prime Minster:

Mr. David Cameron (Witney) (Con):  I want to turn to total spending. Does the Prime Minister accept that his own figures show that once the Treasury’s forecast for inflation is taken into account, total spending will be cut after 2011?

The Prime Minister: No, total spending will continue to rise, and it will be a zero per cent. rise in 2013–14.

I understand that, at today’s press conference, Mr Cameron stopped short of calling Mr Brown a liar.

Brown: still stuck in the old politics

Gordon-BrownIn a particularly intelligent article in today’s Telegraph, Frank Field declares that the forthcoming general election will be wholly different from all other post-war elections, in that the parties will be judged on their proposals to cut the public deficit, and not on how they plan to “bribe voters with their own money”.

Pointing out that the recession has destroyed five per cent of our national wealth, Field observes that, even when the economy is growing again, there will be a monstrous gap of £80 billion between revenue and expenditure by 2013. 

So the rules of the game have changed, says Field:

Here is the basis of the next decade’s politics. Whoever wins the election will have to plan to hand over an increasing share of our national wealth, first to meet interest payments, and then to repay the debt itself. These transfer payments will cut our country’s living standards.

Hence the importance of spelling out the nature of those public expenditure cuts. The sooner they start, the lower the long-term interest rates, and the smaller the amount of our future income that will have to be impounded for debt repayment.

Field’s analysis is correct; furthermore, evidence of growing public support for expenditure cuts appears in today’s Times, which carries details of a YouGov poll’s findings that, by a majority of almost three to one, voters support cuts in public spending, rather than increased taxation, as the preferred means to address the deficit.

Alistair Darling, too, understands  that the rules have changed; in his speech in Cardiff this week, the Chancellor confirmed that his pre-Budget report will contain measures to reduce the deficit and went on to say:

Public spending is not a goal in itself.  What matters is the results, what you get with your money – and how they help people meet their aspirations and ease their concerns.

The first priority has to be to look for areas where we can achieve greater efficiency. Some seem in a hurry to cut services. We are focussing on cutting costs.

So what the electorate will wish to know in the approach to the next election will be: how do the two principal parties propose to cut the deficit and restore budgetary rectitude?  David Cameron and George Osborne know that;  Alistair Darling has shown that he now gets it, too.

Sadly, however, Gordon Brown still doesn’t get it; in his speech to the TUC on Tuesday, the Prime Minister is likely to repeat the familiar fiction that yet further “investment” – his favoured euphemism for borrowing – is the only way to ride out the recession.

In doing so, the Prime Minister will demonstrate beyond doubt that he is still in the old business of seeking to bribe voters with money the country hasn’t got.  But voters, if the YouGov poll is anything to go by, have decisively rejected that approach. 

They, also, understand the new politics; Gordon Brown doesn’t.

An offer not even Gordon can refuse

gordonbrownIt appears that the prospect of a televised general election debate among the three party leaders – itself long debated – may well be realised.

David Cameron has called repeatedly for such a debate, but Gordon Brown has consistently seemed less than keen to participate.   In July, Peter Mandelson did indicate that the PM would “not have a problem” with a televised duel with Cameron, but Downing Street later poured cold water on the suggestion, contending that there was already a continuous debate between the leaders, in the form of the weekly session of Prime Minister’s Questions.

Today’s Times, however, reports that meetings of the three main political parties have been taking place over the summer to discuss the issue and that Sir David Frost has been mooted as potential chairman of the debate.  The Prime Minister is said to be “considering the proposal seriously”.

The decision, in reality, may already be out of Mr Brown’s hands.  Also writing in the Times this morning, John Ryley, head of Sky News, says that his channel will be hosting a live debate, come what may, prior to the election and that he has written to the three party leaders to inform them accordingly.  Separate debates will be hosted in Wales and Scotland.  So as to avoid any suggestion that a single channel is seeking to “own” such an important event, live feeds of the debate will be offered to rival broadcasters.

Ryley concludes:

So there we have it. The UK’s first televised leaders’ debate: no extended negotiations over lighting or rebuttals; no rows about who goes first and who gets to question whom. A date and time will be set. Three chairs provided.

The decision for the politicians is simple: fill them or leave them empty. I give this guarantee: the cameras will be rolling and anyone who doesn’t show up better be ready to explain themselves to the public.

This, it would appear, is a challenge that even the notoriously reticent Gordon Brown will have little option but to accept; to decline would be to sustain a total loss of electoral credibility. 

It is, indeed, an offer not even Prime Minister Macavity can refuse.

Update: David Cameron has written to Sky agreeing to the debate.

Why Cameron did not make a twat of himself

David Cameron’s use of the word “twat” in an interview yesterday on Absolute Radio has provoked considerable outrage, most of it ersatz, in this morning’s press.   Why, it has even incurred the opprobrium of no less a figure than the magisterial Stephen Pound.

A number of points need to be made about what is, in reality, just another silly season story:

  1. Most people, unless they are astonishingly virtuous, tend to swear from time to time.  They usually do so in times of stress.  Since politics is a particularly stressful occupation, it tends also to be a fairly sweary one;
  2. Nevertheless, there is swearing and swearing.  What is taboo to one generation can become acceptable to the next.  When I was a boy, for example, the words “bloody”, “bastard” and “bugger” were unrepeatable; now it can be a term of endearment to call someone a “bloody old bastard”, particularly if you happen to be Australian;
  3. The word “twat” has evolved over recent years and has lost most of its anatomical connotations.  Nowadays, it tends to be considered a slightly stronger form of “twit”, which is still in use, or the wartime RAF “twerp”, which is not.   Cameron was consciously alluding to this when he said that “too many twits might make a twat” (which is, in any case, rather funny);
  4. That the word has become reasonably acceptable is evidenced by the fact that almost all this morning’s papers quote Cameron verbatim, which would not have been the case had he used the f- or c- words (which, of course, he never would);
  5. The partial exception to 4 above is an article by Richard Dixon, chief revise editor of the Times, who quotes the word in full only once, but otherwise uses asterisks or refers to it as the t-word; it is, says Mr Dixon, classified by the Thunderer as “taboo/vulgar slang”;
  6. It may be, however, that one day even the Times will feel it appropriate to relent and allow the unexpurgated t-word to be used in extenso in its hallowed columns.  Don’t hold your breath, though.  It was only last December that it decided to cease referring to the capital of the state of Maharashtra as “Bombay” and to start calling it “Mumbai” – at least a decade after most other national newspapers.

Labour’s displacement activity

The Labour activist Luke Akehurst makes a highly pertinent point in his blog:

I was particularly shocked that the entire Cabinet was meeting in Cardiff on polling day. How can we expect to win if our entire national leadership is several hundred miles away rather than leading the effort to get the Labour vote out?

Mr Akehurst is, of course, absolutely right.  The Welsh awayday could easily have been set up to take place at a less electorally significant time; to arrange it for polling day was, by any measure, cack-handed in the extreme. 

The impression it must have given to party workers on the ground in Norwich was that the by-election was already a lost cause and that the top brass were engaging in a form of displacement activity.  It is hard to think of anything more likely to demoralise supporters.

David Cameron visited Norwich six times during the campaign, including helping in a “dawn raid” on Thursday, and was criticised in some sections of the press for “hyperactivity”.  Nevertheless, his visits hugely boosted the morale of election workers and communicated to the people of Norwich both confidence and interest in the campaign.

It is small wonder Labour did so badly when the top echelons of the party gave every impression of not caring what was happening on polling day.

Strategic rethink

Norwich North has seen neither hide nor hair of Gordon Brown; indeed, the Labour by-election material makes no reference to him at all, which tends to indicate the extent to which he is considered an electoral asset by his own party.

The Prime Minister was, however, in Cardiff today, holding a cabinet meeting.  Afterwards, the press were apparently briefed that Labour intends to base its “fightback” on “highlighting the Conservatives’ lack of policy”.

In one sense, this is a welcome development, in that it would appear to confirm the abandonment of Labour’s failed strategy of “Tory cuts v. Labour investment”, to which the response of most focus groups seems to have been: “Yes, sure; pull the other one.”

On the other hand, it appears also to overlook the fact that, this week alone, David Cameron, George Osborne and William Hague all made major policy speeches.  So perhaps the strategy needs a little finessing. 

By the way, a little journalistic bird tells me that the announcement of the new strategy was made not by Gordon Brown, but by Peter Mandelson. 

No mistaking who’s in charge, then.

Brown’s reassurance

Prime Minister’s Questions again and David Cameron continued his attack on Labour’s public spending plans:

Mr. David Cameron (Witney) (Con): Last week, it was demonstrated for everyone to see that capital spending under Labour will be cut. Now I want to turn to total spending. Does the Prime Minister accept that his own figures show that once the Treasury’s forecast for inflation is taken into account, total spending will be cut after 2011?

The Prime Minister: No, total spending will continue to rise, and it will be a zero per cent. rise in 2013–14.

Thank heaven for that.  I’d be terribly concerned if I thought he was proposing a standstill budget.

Blurring the line

hilarybennGordon Brown’s declared dividing line between the parties of “Tory cuts versus Labour investment” was further blurred by Hilary Benn on Radio 4’s Any Questions yesterday evening.

Benn acknowledged that his Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs would face future budgetary cuts and would have to make spending adjustments:

“If I look at my department’s budget, it is going to go down a bit and therefore we will have to prioritise.”

Mr Benn went on blithely to add that the Government faced “real choices” ahead and “when times are tough you need to tighten your belt”.

This will certainly cause extreme displeasure to the Prime Minister, whose strategy has already been undermined by Cabinet colleagues, most notably the Chancellor, who has steadfastly refused to play along with it.

At PMQs last Wednesday, David Cameron highlighted the tensions within the cabinet over the issue:

Mr. Cameron: Let us first of all be clear about the Prime Minister’s claims about Conservative policy. Even his own colleagues do not believe him. This is the report that we had from last week’s Cabinet:

“Darling pointed out that Brown’s Tory cut figures did not represent the”—

Conservative—

“party’s policy but were merely extrapolations”—

[Hon. Members: “Ah!”] It gets more interesting:

“Cooper, previously the Treasury minister responsible for public spending, echoed his concerns”,

and:

“According to one source who was present, Brown was visibly irritated at the way he had been undermined, and brought the meeting to an early close”.

He says that he wants to be a teacher, but it sounds like he has lost control of the classroom.

Looks like it’s now poor Hilary Benn’s turn to stand in the corner.

What Cameron wanted to say

At this week’s PMQs, David Cameron came as close as gosh-darn-it to calling Gordon Brown a liar.  He couldn’t do so, of course, because to use such an expression is unparliamentary.

Now the Conservative party has published a video neatly illustrating what Cameron wanted to say.  And it doesn’t avoid the l-word:

 

Brown’s really bad day

BillHaleyToday, even by his own standards,  has been an extraordinarily  bad one for the Prime Minister.

At PMQs he was savaged almost to destruction by David Cameron, who accused him of giving the House inaccurate information last week about capital expenditure growth between now and 2012.   Far from increasing, as Brown had contended, expenditure would actually fall after 2009 – 2010.

Brown, in replying, became angry –  no, furious –  and almost incoherent.  Embarrassingly, his hair became dishevelled and formed a Bill Haley–style kiss curl in the middle of his forehead.   He looked awful and very isolated,  his backbenchers sitting  ominously silent.

Later in the day, before the Treasury select committee, Mervyn King added to the PM’s woes by criticising the Government’s “unambitious” response to the need to reduce the alarming level of public borrowing:

“The scale of the deficit is truly extraordinary. 12.5% of GDP is not something that anybody would have anticipated even a year or two ago, and this reflects the scale of the global downturn.

“There will certainly need to be a plan for the lifetime of the next Parliament, contingent on the state of the economy, to show how those deficits will be brought down if the economy recovers to reach levels of deficits below those which were shown in the Budget figures.”

So, on the whole, an even worse than usual day for Gordon Brown. 

I wonder how many of those Labour MPs who pledged loyalty to him those two short weeks ago are now cursing themselves and their colleagues for their lack of resolve.

Brown reverts to type

Gordon-Brown-001If Gordon Brown truly did wish to “address his weaknesses”, as promised in his grovel last Monday to the PLP, he would have abandoned the spin that got him into such trouble last Easter and led to the auto da fé of Damian McBride.

Instead, he persists in treating the people as fools, writing (or, more probably, authorising) a ludicrous piece in today’s Mirror, in which he dubs David Cameron “Mr Ten Per Cent” and declares that “Cameron’s cuts will make the recession worse”.

Brown knows full well that it is Labour’s own budget projections that make spending cuts inevitable; furthermore, every respected commentator knows it, too.  Yet he persists in trying to pull the wool over the eyes of the electorate.

Everyone knew that Brown would be bound, sooner or later, to revert to type.  But less than a week is really going it, even by his own abysmal standards.